The US: Not Merely Europe's Reluctant Partner, But a Adversary Steeped in Right-Wing Ideology

On the very date Donald Trump received a custom-made "award for peace" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration published an similarly flamboyant national security strategy. This relatively brief paper drips with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the characteristically humble assertion that the president has brought back "the United States and the globe – back from the edge of disaster and ruin."

Even though the document mostly formalizes the ongoing policies and statements of Trump and his team, it must be heeded as a serious caution for the world, and for the European continent in particular.

A Blueprint of Intervention and Civilizational Anxiety

The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US clearly sets the goal of "promoting European strength." Its language could have been lifted directly from addresses by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to stay European, to reclaim its cultural self-assurance." More worryingly, the document claims that Europe's "economic decline is eclipsed by the real and more stark prospect of cultural extinction."

The whole section on Europe is steeped in generations of European far-right ideology and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "changing the continent and creating strife, suppression of free speech and stifling of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and erosion of national identities and self-belief." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether certain European countries will have economic power and armed forces strong enough to remain dependable allies." In fact, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, certain NATO members will become majority non-European."

"U.S. foreign policy should continue to stand up for authentic democracy, freedom of expression, and proud commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and past."

Core Ideas of the Right-Wing

These points carry powerful echoes of two theories regarded as foundational for modern right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more explicit conspiratorial narrative, accusing European elites of using immigration to substitute rebellious "indigenous" populations and import a more docile and dependent electorate.

It is the nationalist fantasy encapsulated in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it sees its allies: "America encourages its ideological partners in Europe to advance this resurgence of national spirit, and the increasing influence of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."

The Objective: "Make Europe Great Again"

In other words, the US believes that it is essential to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only political force that can achieve this. Therefore, its "overarching strategy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "building up the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their former greatness" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.

While the document stays vague on implementation, it is obvious that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – especially regarding far-right speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not treat Russia as an enemy either.

A Historical Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a broader sense, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to meddle in the "western hemisphere," which he proclaimed to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "implement a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.

None of this is entirely new – recall JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is laid out in an formal document, European leaders will at last understand that the stance is serious. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be summarised in plain and succinct terms: the current US government believes that its national security is best served by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not only an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to act appropriately.

David Duran
David Duran

A seasoned graphic designer with over 10 years of experience specializing in vector art and brand identity development.